Buckhead wants to withdraw from black Mecca.
The decades-long hot debate over Buckhead sheds light on a larger racial reality in the United States.
As Sheryll Cashin, professor at Georgetown University Law Center, explains, the consequences of residential caste are vast.
Here’s a look at how the United States got there – and how it might move forward:
Are there particular factors that contribute to the residential caste?
Another process is hoarding opportunities, or overinvesting in some communities while divesting elsewhere. Cashin calls the old neighborhoods âbenchmarkâ – neighborhoods with tremendous opportunities that are frequently subsidized by everyone and make the most of everything from grocery stores to infrastructure to schools. In fact, schools are one of the best indicators of racial segregation. âIf you really want to understand this, go online, look at the schools in your community, and look at the racial demographics of those schools. .
The third process is stereotypical surveillance. It’s easier to harden boundaries and isolate opportunities when the “hood” image is as dimensionless as it is. Former President Donald Trump was the most vulgar broadcaster of what Cashin calls âghetto myths,â but others have fueled those narratives as well.
What does this stereotype look like?
“The Cumming (sic) district is a disgusting rat and rodent infested mess. If he spent more time in Baltimore, maybe he could help clean up this very dangerous and dirty place,” Trump tweeted in 2019 .
Even the politicians across the aisle supported the myths of the ghetto. After the murder of Freddie Gray, former President Barack Obama condemned the “thugs who tore” Baltimore apart. “He was talking about vandals, but he was still part of a very specific anti-black idea,” Cashin told CNN. “Part of the reason it’s so difficult to pursue humane policies that can uplift people in areas of high poverty is because we apply a lens of alleged thug – instead of alleged citizen.”
Is residential segregation the same today as it was a few decades ago?
It looks a little different. Menendian said that about five or six decades ago, you could find the same pattern of segregation in almost every major American city: in large urban areas, black families were confined to a small number of neighborhoods that were often downwind of factories, near industrial areas. , or near various environmental contaminants. White families, on the other hand, lived in the same cities but in drastically different neighborhoods.
In particular, this trend corresponds to the notion of Cashin’s maintenance of limits.
“The main response (of communities and the federal government) to the nearly six million large migrants fleeing Jim Crow and heading north and west was essentially to contain them in their own neighborhoods,” she said.
It’s still segregation – just in a different form.
As the UC Berkeley report explains in detail, “Not only are most of our major metropolitan areas and cities highly segregated, but we are finding that nearly 81% of U.S. cities and metropolitan areas are more segregated today. than they were in 1990, after several decades of federal policy applied to this problem. “
Is it possible to break the boundaries of the residential caste?
As you can imagine, realizing aspirations for large-scale change will not be easy or straightforward. But there is hope.
Cashin pointed out that she is inspired by the fact that the United States has bottom-up, multiracial coalitions of people who say Black Lives Matter.
âThere are growing coalitions that can reach 51% in a race for mayor, in a race for city council, in a debate on: Are we going to do our part to affirm and advance fair housing? Are we going to adopt mandatory inclusion zoning Are we going to support racial equity, a neighborhood scan that How? ‘Or’ What are we spending money? âshe said.
âI feel an authenticity,â Cashin added. “People seem to want something much better than a society based on separation and inequality, a society based on fear and exclusion of the other.”